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Design in the South

Dolley Payne Todd MadisonThis children's book does a good job of describing Dolley Madison to young people. It is an interesting blend of fact and fiction. Much of the dialogue is surely made up by the author. But the dialogue serves the purpose of showing kids what life was like for Dolley in her early years. And it provides an idea of how she may have thought as a child. This book also contains many black and white illustrations showing various events from Dolley's life.
Dolley Payne grew up on a plantation with slaves near Richmond, Virginia. Her father, John Payne, was a Quaker who fought in the Revolutionary War. After the War, Payne freed his slaves and moved the family to Philadelphia. Unfortunately, Mr. Payne was more successful with his plantation than he was as a Philadelphia businessman.
In Philadelphia, Dolley met her first husband, John Todd. Unfortunately, Mr. Todd and their baby died from yellow fever. Dolley also contracted the fever but survived.
Aaron Burr was the unlikely matchmaker who brought Dolley and James Madison together. Eventually, the couple moved to Washington, DC, from Philadelphia. Dolley acted as hostess at the White House during Jefferson's Presidency. And then she was First Lady in her own right during James Madison's Presidency. During that time she was the only First Lady who had to flee the White House because of a British invasion.
Dolley Madison was pretty, warm and cheerful. She brought happiness to many. So children and adults can both enjoy this uplifting book.


Lacks Critical Analysis of Madison's IdeasGoldwin argues that Madison's principal purpose in proposing the Bill of Rights was political. Madison, Goldwin says, was concerned about Anti-Federalist opposition to the Constitution and the risk that the Anti-Federalists would succeed in calling a second constitutional convention that might undo all of the important structural features of the Constitution. Goldwin believes that Madison hoped to steal the Anti-Federalists' thunder by offering amendments whose substance was uncontroversial, but whose inclusion would help solidify support for the new Constitution in a public that was still nervous about the way it centralized national power.
Goldwin reinforces his argument about Madison's political motivations by suggesting that Madison regarded a Bill of Rights as being practically useless in preventing governments from encroaching on the liberties of its citizens. Instead, according to the author, Madison thought that the structural elements of the Constitution (separation of powers, bicameral legislature, etc.) afforded the best mechanism for securing rights against infringement by the majority. Goldwin goes so far as to suggest repeatedly that Madison was willing to propose a Bill of Rights precisely because he believed it would "leave the original Constitution unchanged . . . ." (p. 101; see also p. 153).
Goldwin may be right about Madison's political motivations in proposing a Bill of Rights; others have drawn similar conclusions. But the author's positive assessment of Madison's ideas about the intrinsic inefficacy of a Bill of Rights is unpersuasive. If Madison truly believed that including specific restraints on governmental power in a written constitution would do little directly to advance the cause of freedom, and that the Constitution as originally written would serve those ends well, in my view he was fundamentally mistaken. It is certainly true that the will of the majority would be frustrated less often if we had no Bill of Rights, or if the Judiciary had no power to enforce its provisions. But it is precisely for that reason that the freedoms set forth in the Bill of Rights would have been less secure if they had never been made a part of the Constitution.
In light of the widely held contemporary view that the Bill of Rights is an essential (even if sometimes misused) restraint on governmental power, this book would have been better if, instead of uncritically praising Madison's contrary view, Goldwin had subjected it to searching analysis. Madison's view of the role of the judiciary in enforcing the Bill of Rights, a subject not even broached in this book, would in my view be central to such an analysis. Raoul Berger pointed out in an article written several years ago that during the debates over the ratification of the original Constitution in Virginia, Madison joined John Marshall (who later became Chief Justice of the Supreme Court) in maintaining that the Judiciary had this power. And in his speech to the First Congress proposing a Bill of Rights, Madison (echoing Jefferson's sentiments in a letter written to him from France) asserted that "independent tribunals of justice will consider themselves in a peculiar manner the guardians of those rights." Madison's support for some form of judicial review is also evidenced in statements he made in the Philadelphia Convention and in The Federalist Nos. 39 and 44. Since Madison believed that the courts would have a large responsibility for enforcing the Bill of Rights, then a question which needs to be addressed is why he nevertheless regarded the amendments as a mere "parchment barrier." And what makes the other, structural elements of the Constitution which Madison looked to as the main protector of our liberties (e.g., separation of powers, limitation of Congress to enumerated powers) anything more than "parchment barriers" themselves? Finally, it would have been useful to consider not only what Madison thought immediately before and after the formation of the Constitution, but also the extent to which his views may have changed as he observed the Constitution in operation over the course of his long political career.
I also think that Goldwin's insistence that both the Federalists (including Madison) and the Anti-Federalists believed that the Amendments "changed nothing in the Constitution" (p. 177) is misleading. This characterization not only distorts the views of both groups and obscures their important philosophic differences, but also trivializes the subtantive import of the Bill of Rights. How can it be said, for example, that the privilege against self-incrimination set forth in the Fifth Amendment "changed nothing," when in its absence Congress would have been able to compel the defendant to testify in a federal criminal proceeding?


Where is the Accademics?

Trying to fool youDid a Global Flood Form the Fossil Record?
The first hypothesis considered by scientists was that the global flood described in Genesis accounted for the geological column and fossil record. Indeed, this explained the presence of fossil sea shells high in the Alps. However, as early as 1757, James Parsons and others attempted to deduce the season of the Flood from fossils. If spring, flowers and young fruit should predominate, mature fruit and nuts if fall. Alas, both were found. It was suggested that mature fruit had been mixed in from the tropics, but if so, then land and ocean animals should be mixed together as well. In fact, they are found in separate deposits, except for some land organisms that floated out to sea. These and other difficulties led scientists to accept the uniformitarian geology proposed by James Hutton (Theory of the Earth) and Charles Lyell (Principles of Geology).
The ICR model (presented in this book) is simply the same old flood theory, and it, too, fails to explain basic facts. For example, if all species were created at one time before the flood, fossils deep in the geological record (early in the flood) should be identical to later forms. Extinctions might be allowed, but no new productions. Of course, the fossil record shows both extinctions and creations, with increasingly unfamiliar animals the deeper you go. The 19th century creationist geologist Georges Cuvier proposed a number of successive creation events to account for this. The present author Henry Morris, director of the ICR, proposed in the book that the appearance of progressive change was explained by (1) elevation of habitat, (2) resistance to gravitational settling in the flood waters, and (3) ability to flee the floodwaters. However, this predicts that porpoises and ichthyosaurs, both fully-aquatic air-breathing animals of the same size, shape, and density, living in the same habitat, should be found as fossils in the same strata. In fact, there is a series of transitional forms through Mesozoic deposits leading to ichthyosaurs, overlaid by Cenozoic deposits containing a series of forms leading to porpoises. Countless other specific tests are failed by the flood hypothesis, but passed by uniformitarian geology.
(Comment by George S.Bakken, Indiana State University.)
A Good Reader's Digest Condensed Version

I can't believe I bought this book...
A sloppy and oversimplified overview of CNC
I am a engineering

A sad attempt to make science from myth.
Very bizarre collection of lies and deceptions.
Abusive Ad Hominem

Falls ShortThe book deals with the major issues of Madison's political life, often in too minute detail, but does not satisfy the biographical aspects of his life. There is absolutely no mention, for example, of Madison's birth date, or even the year he was born in! Further, the book failed completely to engage me. I set it aside for weeks at a time before I finally finished if off, despite its modest size.
A guy who peaked early
James Madison just wasn't cool...

"Never judge a book byt it's cover..."
Mixed opinion...
Better then The Bridges Of Madison County

Janky JanaI understand that she had an affair with him, but that's it...AN AFFAIR! Get over it !!! It was an dumb-affair. I'm sure that Ms. St. James wasn't so young that she didn't realize what she was getting into!
I just think that it's sad and this book did nothing, but turn a memory of a romance (affair or not) into something that the public didn't need to know about!
Thanks...I'm done!
Big Disappointment
Jana & Bob - a simple love story